US Supreme Court
© file photo
USA's højesteret i Washington D.C.
Klagen indgivet i Pennsylvania af Trump-kampagnen er et fremragende stykke juridisk arbejde.

Det blev anlagt ved føderal domstol, ikke stat. Kernen er, at nogle af statens handlinger og især udelukkelsen af ​​republikanske afstemningsovervågere under optællingen af ​​hundreder af tusinder af mail-in-stemmesedler overtrådte føderale forfatningsmæssige krav.

Pointen er åbenlyst nok, når man tænker på det, men det er strålende alligevel. Det flytter fokus fra statsretten, hvor en politiseret Pennsylvania-domstol har det sidste ord, til føderal lov, hvor den amerikanske højesteret gælder.

Med hensyn til det åbenlyse ved dette punkt, betragt som et tankeeksperiment en statslov, der kræver, at alle stemmer tælles i hemmelighed af et ikke-valgt bestyrelse, der er navngivet af magtpartiet. Kunne det overleve en forfatningsmæssig udfordring?

Som mine gamle professor i forfatningsret i Harvard ville have sagt, 'at stille spørgsmålet er at besvare det.' Det er svært at tælle alle de forfatningsmæssige garantier, der er overtrådt her: Lige beskyttelse, behørig proces, privilegier og immuniteter. Faktisk opstiller klagen Højesterets præcedenser, der støtter dens argumenter, herunder den lange række klokkeklare udsagn i kæden af ​​en-person-en-stemme-afgørelser.
As for the obviousness of the point, consider as a thought experiment a state law requiring that all votes be counted in secret by an unelected board named by the party in power. Could it survive a constitutional challenge?


Kommentar: Delvist oversat af Sott.net fra Trump's Pennsylvania complaint is brilliant


Even the late Justice Ginsburg, who never met a progressive argument she could not support, would have trouble upholding such a law.

Given this framework, the historic decision in Bush v. Gore becomes useful but unimportant. The problem there was that the Florida Supreme Court pretended to be interpreting state law, and the legal convention is that the U.S. Supreme Court must defer on state issues, even though the Florida court was making up new law as it went along and changing its mind shamelessly.

The U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Bush v. Gore was muddled by the need to wiggle around this problem without addressing it head-on, because it would not do to cast doubt on the integrity of fellow judges. (The union is strong.) Only a three-justice concurrence said flatly that the Florida Court was contradicting the Legislature, and that would not do. Four justices went off on an opaque Equal Protection argument.

A result of this muddle, say friends in academia, is that progressive legal scholars are contemptuous of the decision and dismiss it as irrelevant.

Trump's Pennsylvania case does not have the complication of the state versus federal law interaction because it jumps over the state law and, as noted, relies on a host of U.S. SCOTUS cases about the importance of voting.

The complaint has much more, designed to bolster its central point. Many other instances of fraudulent activity are cited, which lends credibility to the main accusation. They are also indispensable to establish a factual case — that the exclusion not only occurred, but mattered, because thousands of ballots were counted in secret.

Reading the news reports, it appears likely that similar complaints are going to be filed in other swing states and that perhaps we are seeing the exposure of a broad-based effort to corrupt the election. Joe Biden claimed that the Democrats were mounting the biggest voter fraud effort in history, and a good rule for living is that when someone tells you he is about to screw you over, believe him.

It is possible, then, that a number of cases will hit the Supreme Court in about three weeks.

Everyone in the legal world assumes that the justices, bruised by the excoriation the Court has received over Bush v. Gore (even though the result was right), would never put itself in the position of reversing the apparent results of a presidential election. This assumption is the reason for the Democrats' efforts to create an irresistible bandwagon effect, but the president's lawyers may have out-maneuvered them. The justices may have no choice except to decide the election, one way or the other, and to be put to the choice of reversing the media-claimed results or ratifying massive fraud.

The legitimacy of the Court could survive through, and even be enhanced by, a carefully explained reversal of initial results. It could not survive a mealy-mouthed ratification of obvious fraud. If Trump's lawyers make their case factually, the Court must agree.

As Lincoln said: "we cannot escape history. We ... will be remembered in spite of ourselves ... in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation."
About the Author:
James V. DeLong lives in the Shenandoah Valley and is a former editor of the Harvard Law Review.